https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/427389524 我鉴定应该为真，但未必是此次讲稿

2年11月前 via mobile

• @tmpfs ​ - 大意是指出王沪宁与他在某些方面所见略同，中国的政策具有一定成果性，但也有局限性，然后从局限性这里入手做了一些理论分析，与现象保存了一种有礼貌的距离。这个姿态还是很好的
• @tmpfs ​ - 这个事件有点像齐年轻时候在南斯拉夫搞的诗集，本来无人问津，结果一被官方查禁，就变成人人传诵
• @muon 渺子 - 禁忌享受与障碍成瘾（不是(bgm38)
• @tmpfs ​ - https://web.archive.org/web/20211030043804/https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/427389524 The recent Chinese campaign against big corporations and ... can also be seen as moves against neo-feudal corporatism, i.e., as attempts to bring back “normal” capitalism... Wang designated himself as a neo-conservative – what does this mean?... the ongoing campaign in China has a double target: more economic equality, inclusive of better conditions of work, and elimination of the Westernized popular culture focused on sex, consumerism, and fandom. ... Leftist China seems to have chosen here the neoconservative side: to control the potentially-destructive dynamics of modern global economy with a strong Nation-State that emphasizes patriotism and traditional values. Where is the limit of such an approach? “My country right or wrong” is one of the most disgusting mottos, and it illustrates perfectly what is wrong with unconditional patriotism. The same holds for China today. The space in which we can develop such critical thinking is the space of the public use of reason.
• @tmpfs ​ - But without the space for the public use of reason, the state itself courts the danger of becoming just another instance of the private use of reason. The space for the public use of reason is not the same as democracy in the Western liberal sense – in his last active year, Lenin himself saw the necessity of such an organ embodying the public use of reason. While admitting the dictatorial nature of the Soviet regime, he proposed to establish a Central Control Commission: an independent, educational and controlling body with ‘apolitical’ edge, consisting of best teachers and technocratic specialists... Maybe, China needs a similar Central Control Commission. Its first task would be to notice the profound structural homology between the Maoist permanent self-revolutionizing, the permanent struggle against the ossification of State structures, and the inherent dynamics of capitalism. I think Wang is silently aware of this.
• @tmpfs ​ - I remember, from my youth, in the Socialist Yugoslavia, the official ideology was not taken seriously even by the state apparatchiks – and in this way it functioned perfectly. The apparatchiks got in panic when someone took the official ideology too seriously – this was for them the first the first step towards becoming a dissident. But this didn’t mean that individuals simply didn’t believe – they acted as if they believed, and this was what mattered. ... In my youth in Socialist Yugoslavia, the Socialist education de facto miserably failed: most of the pupils just ignored it, their reaction was: “Don’t take it seriously, just enjoy your life.” However, an old Communist explained to me that this apparent failure really was a success: those in power wanted a population which ignored official ideology and just mechanically took part in the official rituals. So when, as I hear, today in China pupils are again told to read Marxist classics, my question is: how is this injunction really meant?
• @tmpfs ​ - 上面三段是把老段子删除之后的三个主要观点，再转述一下：一、齐泽克赞同中国的行政层面大动员（抗疫、环保、气候）、经济层面反资本主义的措施，但是反对文化、意识形态层面回归传统、爱国主义的措施；二、齐泽克认为中国需要有国家机器出面推动启蒙理性的公共行使，把文革以来的历史理性打通，继承文革的革命性而不是传统文化的保守性；三、齐泽克认为中国现在的意识形态工作是一个大谜题，一方面大力加强马教育，一方面镇压真信者。
• @tmpfs ​ - 上面那个中译确实不行，oppose A to B不是“反对”的意思
• @tmpfs ​ - https://youtu.be/pVjVPMxjCXg?t=3313 跟Jacobin的采访再次重复了王沪宁传统文化+资本主义=法西斯，老观点